Obama

Case in Point

Truthdig takes exception to Obama’s speech

The Illinois senator chastised his colleagues for leaving the evangelicals to the Republicans.

Electorally, he may be correct, but no self-respecting progressive should be fooled. On the whole, evangelicals are the most regressive people in the country. Just look at the hatred and intolerance they?ve made central to the Republican Party.

No, I don’t think this is representative of that many Democrats, but it isn’t the first time I’ve heard such things. I tend to agree with Stoller and Atrios that the stereotype is stupid, but also think, like Obama, that Democrats are at least tone deaf in relation to faith at times.

What’s odd about it to me, was outside of Normal, the first real evangelical contact I had was with leftist missionaries in Nicaragua who made me look like McCarthy. The basic problem is understanding the language. Evangelical is often related to conservative political positions, but the real meaning of it is related to being a Protestant more than anything. Usually people use it to mean the individual or institution also believes in personal salvation and reaching out to others to help them do so. I tend to not use it because I think being a Christian says the same thing. I don’t think others who do use the term to describe themselves are wrong, I just don’t think it adds that much.

While people who identify themselves as evangelical are statistically politically conservative, that does not mean all evangelicals are or that an overwhelming number are–in fact, I believe most data show a plurality are moderate.

This is very different from fundamentalists who hold very specific tenets about faith and that almost inevitably leads to conservative views politically.

Took Longer Than I Thought….

Sirota calls me a liar:

One thing I love about the progressive blogosphere is how lies are almost immediately debunked. That’s why I can’t stand it when occasionally blogs on our side lie. Case in point is an assertion by ArchPundit that an amendment to the Bankruptcy Bill by Senator Mark Dayton (D) to limit credit card industry interest rates would preempt state usury laws. He’s trying to defend Sen. Barack Obama (D), who voted against the Dayton amendment. The implied assertion is that Dayton’s bill would have superceded state usury laws in a way that would have hurt consumers because it would have supposedly invalidated those state statutes that imposed even tougher interest limits – something that he says Obama would not want to do.

Actually, what I said was this:

The only amendment he voted against that progressive would generally support is the limit on interest rates introduced by Dayton. It was rejected with 74 votes against including several Democrats who were generally against the broader bill. The text of the Dayton amendment seemed to be far broader than just about credit cards and preempts state ursury laws. I’d hardly call voting against it as rejection of such a rule in general.

By all accounts, he’d support a cap in a better written amendment–and Durbin voted against the Amendment as well.

All of which is true. It does preempt state ursury laws, it just exempts from preemption those states with lower rates, but that wasn’t the broader point. I linked to what I thought would be the text, but it went to a search and doesn’t connect to the text of the bill. David has the text in his post. More than anything, I didn’t go into the details, because the basic point is that Obama voted against an amendment that may have far broader impact than just credit cards.

The important part of the issue isn’t that it would just preempt credit card rates over 30% to individuals, but what other forms of credit would be affected. The amendment, and the law don’t define credit as credit card only. As a knee jerk reaction, I’d say it’s generally still a good idea since individuals and families shouldn’t be charged above 30% anyway–and in fact, this might have been a good development in fighting pay day loans.

If state laws restrict only credit card rates to 22%, but allow other forms of consumer credit, this law would impact both, probably to the better, but I’d want to know the effects before passing a law.

That said, it might have broader implications related to sole proprietorship business owners, it certainly has implications for more than just credit cards and therefore the meaning of the cap changes. My reading of the definition of consumer credit in Title 11 would suggest it wouldn’t affect sole proprietorships, but I’d want to ensure that is correct. Is it still probably a good idea? Yeah, but I expect elected officials to figure that out before passing the law and Sarbanes made this point during the debate:.

Sarbanes made a point about the amendment that the impact of the amendment would be relatively unknown because there were no hearings on the amendment.

Mr. SARBANES. Mr. President, I rise to underscore the statement just made by the chairman of the Banking Committee. This issue embraced in this amendment is very far-reaching. There have been no hearings on it. The chairman has indicated he intends to do some hearings on issues relating to the matter that is before us. It does not seem to me to be a wise or prudent course to consider what would, in effect, be a very major legislative
step in the absence of appropriate consideration by the committee of jurisdiction; therefore, I intend to also oppose this amendment, primarily on those grounds.

The substance is a complicated issue, and in any event it is very clear it needs to be very carefully examined and considered. I do not think that has occurred in this instance, and I hope my colleagues would perceive the matter in the same way.

And this reinforces my point about institutionalism. Simply raging against a vote, but not understanding why it was made or what the implications would have been if the amendment had become law is not anyway to govern.

The question is did Obama in general support such a cap written well, which from David’s piece in the Nation, one could imply Obama would. I’ve asked his office for a response and I’ll be happy to pass along what I hear. If Obama wouldn’t support a cap in principle, I’d be disappointed.

Perhaps Everyone Should Read What Obama Said About Faith

Because it really isn’t about a stereotype, it’s about how to communicate with people of faith especially since most Democrats are people of faith.

Both Atrios and Stoller link to the Washington Post piece which gives me a far different impression than the text of the speech.

So let me end with another interaction I had during my campaign. A few days after I won the Democratic nomination in my U.S. Senate race, I received an email from a doctor at the University of Chicago Medical School that said the following:

?Congratulations on your overwhelming and inspiring primary win. I was happy to vote for you, and I will tell you that I am seriously considering voting for you in the general election. I write to express my concerns that may, in the end, prevent me from supporting you.?

The doctor described himself as a Christian who understood his commitments to be ?totalizing.? His faith led him to a strong opposition to abortion and gay marriage, although he said that his faith also led him to question the idolatry of the free market and quick resort to militarism that seemed to characterize much of President Bush?s foreign policy.

But the reason the doctor was considering not voting for me was not simply my position on abortion. Rather, he had read an entry that my campaign had posted on my website, which suggested that I would fight ?right wing ideologues who want to take away a woman?s right to choose.? He went on to write:

?I sense that you have a strong sense of justice?and I also sense that you are a fair minded person with a high regard for reason?Whatever your convictions, if you truly believe that those who oppose abortion are all ideologues driven by perverse desires to inflict suffering on women, then you, in my judgment, are not fair-minded?.You know that we enter times that are fraught with possibilities for good and for harm, times when we are struggling to make sense of a common polity in the context of plurality, when we are unsure of what grounds we have for making any claims that involve others?I do not ask at this point that you oppose abortion, only that you speak about this issue in fair-minded words.?

I checked my web-site and found the offending words. My staff had written them to summarize my pro-choice position during the Democratic primary, at a time when some of my opponents were questioning my commitment to protect Roe v. Wade.

Re-reading the doctor?s letter, though, I felt a pang of shame. It is people like him who are looking for a deeper, fuller conversation about religion in this country. They may not change their positions, but they are willing to listen and learn from those who are willing to speak in reasonable terms ? those who know of the central and awesome place that God holds in the lives of so many, and who refuse to treat faith as simply another political issue with which to score points.

I wrote back to the doctor and thanked him for his advice. The next day, I circulated the email to my staff and changed the language on my website to state in clear but simple terms my pro-choice position. And that night, before I went to bed, I said a prayer of my own ? a prayer that I might extend the same presumption of good faith to others that the doctor had extended to me.

It is a prayer I still say for America today ? a hope that we can live with one another in a way that reconciles the beliefs of each with the good of all. It?s a prayer worth praying, and a conversation worth having in this country in the months and years to come. Thank you.

This is a perfect example of the problem and if one had read the speech instead of the Washington Post piece, it paints a very different picture . Trusting the main stream press to accurately portray the entire speech is something we should all be careful about because they generally will put it into a particular stereotype.

It isn’t most frequently a hostility to religion with intention, but an utter lack of awareness about how language is utilized by those in politics and how it frames the issue to exclude potential allies.

It isn’t just cynically going after evangelical votes, it is also communicating within the Party which includes Latinos and African-Americans who are very religious. Should we paint the majority views in those communities on abortion as unreasonable ideologues? Because much of the language in activist communities does that. I find myself doing it.

The problem isn’t just reaching out to evangelicals, but also building trust and communication within the Democratic Party coalition. Those who fail to understand this fail to understand their own coalition. I don’t point that towards Stoller and Atrios, but more generally to make the point.

Hat tip to Lynn Sweet who posted the entire speech.

Updated to fix some inflammatory language that made it sound far harsher on Atrios and Matt than I meant. And the editing was before I even read the post in which Matt says nice things about me.

Obama Voted Against the Bankruptcy Bill

This entire meme has taken on a life of it’s own and I even checked with his Senate office some time ago trying to figure out where it started.

HE DIDN’T VOTE FOR THE BANKRUPTCY BILL

He voted for the Leahy amendment, the Akaka AmendmentS, the Kennedy AmendmentS, The Dodd Amendment, the Boxer Amendment, the Harkin Amendment, the Durbin AmendmentS, the Feingold AmendmentS, the Schumer Amendment, the Rockefeller Amendment, the Nelson Amendment, the Corzine Amendment,

He voted against cloture on the bill (IOW, to support a filibuster).

The only amendment he voted against that progressive would generally support is the limit on interest rates introduced by Dayton. It was rejected with 74 votes against including several Democrats who were generally against the broader bill. The text of the Dayton amendment seemed to be far broader than just about credit cards and preempts state ursury laws. I’d hardly call voting against it as rejection of such a rule in general.

By all accounts, he’d support a cap in a better written amendment–and Durbin voted against the Amendment as well.

I bring this up because Austin Mayor brought it up, but the more general issue is that somehow on the blogs people have misrepresented this vote since it occurred.

In terms of the other votes, he argued the same exact position Feingold did for a far worse vote in my opinion, confirming John Ashcroft. Feingold did the same thing on Rice. Only 13 voted against her in total.

While I already addressed the class action bill, I think there is a real problem with having class action suits consistently in state courts when the issues are interstate commerce. This is a key reason we have federal courts is to deal with issues that cross state boundaries.

Looking at Progressive Punch, he has the sixth most liberal voting record with only Durbin, Boxer, Kennedy, Reed and Sarbanes with more liberal records.

What do progressive want?

Of two local elections he weighed in on, he carried the more progressive candidate to victory in one, and in another he carried a more moderate candidate. I’d argue the first was his biggest mistake because Gianoulis is craptacular candidate. In the other case, many progressive would argue that he’s wrong because they supported Cegelis and he backed Duckworth. While it’s fine to be upset with him over that, it doesn’t necessarily make him less progressive. Several progressive organizations also took that route including SEIU, IFT, and Citizen Action endorsed Tammy as well. Are they not progressive or liberal?

In the out of state case, where Senators are traditionally very careful about crossing into an election in another state, he’s supporting Lieberman as is Durbin. I disagree with him, but so what–he’s with me on a whole host of issues.

When it comes down to central issues such as voting rights, he’s the guy who has most loudly complained about Voter ID bills that will disenfranchise many by being an effective poll tax. He took a lead on immigration reform. While many Democrats have tried to straddle the issue, he’s taken strong, clear positions.

I’ve already mentioned his work on veteran’s affairs, but scroll through the press releases and tell me that he can just snap his fingers and get something on the front page.

Picking out a couple votes or actions that one might not agree with doesn’t make someone not progressive/liberal no matter how mad one is or how big of a grudge Matt Stoller has on the guy.

2004 Senate Primary: Let’s Remember the Actual Campaign

For nearly a year before the March 2004 primary I was ranking the contenders for the Democratic nomination to the Illinois US Senate seat in some fashion and it wasn’t until late January that anyone besides Dan Hynes was ever considered anything, but the frontrunner.

Matt Stoller brought this up in terms of Barack’s supposed caution.

One thing to consider is that Obama walked into the Senate. His primary opponent and his general election opponent both self-destructed. In some small way, he thinks of himself as a fraud who snuck into the Senate, undeserving of the attention he gets on a regular basis. He’s never had to make that call to pull the trigger on the negative ads. He’s never weathered the scandals. He’s never been won an actual media intensive campaign.

He beat the fucking machine people. I like Dan Hynes–I like Barack more. But Dan Hynes didn’t self destruct in the primary, he got beat by SEIU, Barack’s talent, and a hell of a media campaign by Axelrod.

Blair Hull had only registered significant support for the last couple months of the campaign and it was largely based upon heavy advertising. Hull ran a decent campaign and barring problems might have made the race closer.

He got 53% of the vote in a 7 way race with five serious candidates. He beat the machine candidate, Hynes, by over 2-1. Hynes won his last statewide election with 60 some % of the vote and had nearly every, if not every county chairman supporting him. Hull ended with 11% of the vote. If Hull had gotten 31% of the vote, Obama presumably would have lost 20 points and been at 33% of the vote.

Obama ran a remarkable insurgent campaign and this meme that he has never been tested is bullshit.

And while certainly anyone would have been a stronger opponent than Keyes, Jack Ryan wasn’t all that impressive of a candidate. In the Republican primary, he got a total of 228,000 votes to over 642,000 votes for Barack. The chief challenge in Illinois is the Democratic Party Primary and Barack ran a remarkable campaign.

More on Sirota and Obama

BP did a great job addressing the Obama piece by David Sirota in the Nation

Specifically, the attack on Obama’s vote on a class action bill. The bill moved more class action claims into federal court instead of state courts. Trial lawyers were against this because federal judges tend to reign in such cases far more than state judges and ultimately it will probably lower the judgments.

The problem here is that it is a basic Constitutional problem. Most class action suits are about interstate commerce and as such belong in the one venue that is neutral to the parties. Madison County is an example where local judges are more likely to be influenced by local lawyers who are active locally while the company is often out of state or at least out of area. While I like to bash irresponsible corporations, as a basic matter of a good judicial system this bill made sense and it’s a case where Obama used good sense to think about how the problem should be dealt with. If we need to change the rules to make them more fair, than we can do that by passing other laws.

That’s a substantive problem I have with the piece, but more to the point, one of the great progressive victories of this century was obtained by a progressive who was initially a flame thrower.

One of the single best books on the Senate and separately on Civil Rights is The Walls of Jericho and it follows the path to Civil Rights with Hubert Humprhey’s election on through the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Voting Rights Act of 1965.

Humphrey came to the Senate and made speeches and lectured his colleagues and was quickly shut out of power. He started to make progress only as he became an institutionalist and learned to pull the institution with him through the rules of the Senate and he gained valuable allies including Lyndon Johnson.

To attempt to paint someone who is an institutionalist as less progressive ignores the institution and how it works. It is ahistorical.

If anything, Obama has been wise in respecting the institution and in doing so has been able to forge working alliances on critical progressive issues including contracting (with of all people-Coburn), he’s been working very hard against the creep of Voter ID bills that will likely disenchise millions if carried out across the nation, he’s been one of the strongest voices on Darfur (again with the bizarre pairing of Brownback), working toward nuclear weapons security, and despite Sirota’s dismissive mention of Veteran’s care, VA reform.

The difference drawn between Obama’s caution and Wellstone demonstrate an important difference. Wellstone blocked legislation—a vital thing to do sometimes. Obama is trying to legislate. Wellstone did too, but in many ways he was his best playing defense. But that is also a deeply institutional role in the US Senate where Wellstone had to use parliamentary tactics to delay the bankruptcy bill and thus often burning his capital with others. Personally, I think the two roles are complimentary.

The larger point is being progressive in the United States Senate is being an institutionalist. Humphrey learned it, Wellstone knew it, and Obama gets it.

These are all essential progressive issues that in some cases have support from some Republicans. It’s more than a little annoying to hear that VA Reform is mundane when we are in the middle of a war where we are producing more injured individuals in proportion to previous wars. The injured soldiers are most frequently working class kids who are often going to need care for the rest of their lives. Those already in the system, have been made a promise by this country and while it might seem mundane, it actually affects the daily lives of people who Democrats are supposed to care about.

The Bush Administration attack on the VA should be truly scandalous. Jim Nicholson is one of the worst examples of the hackocracy in this administration. He’s has taken a system that throughout the 1990s was turned into a reliable and trustworthy institution for veterans and sent it careening towards it’s inglorious past of being underfunded and undercaring.

If Obama could make an issue just plop on the national stage and get widespread attention, you’d think this would be it, but the press largely deals with it in small stories that do not address the systematic underfunding to help shift that money to Congress’ whims.

Energy development is a small thing? While I have signficant problems with the coal and ethanol initiatives he has pushed, it would seem to me that those are issues that working people count on every day.

The notion that carrots are liberal and sticks are progressive get to the root of the problem. Why are carrots liberal and sticks progressive? It’s just a claim with no support. Progressives might mistrust runaway corporate power, but why does the strategy matter as long as the results get there?

I guess what bothers me is that as Sirota has reinvented himself as the state policy guy, he’s ignoring one of the progressive victories in the states and it’s germane to this story.

Illinois has passed a pretty impressive series of progressive bills in the last few years. We certainly have unmet needs in the education area, but workers rights have been greatly improved and environmental protection (if not always conservations) is much better. More in the next post…

Put the Obama ‘08 Bit To Rest

Rich brings up Sweet’s column on Obama supporters wanting him to run in 2008. I started to comment in the thread, but realized I was writing enough to just make a post out of it.

The logistics of running make it impossible to do this early. Getting strong organizations in place in Iowa (unless Vilsack runs–then there won’t be a serious effort there), New Hampshire, and South Carolina is a lot harder to do than just declaring. Especially Iowa and South Carolina are heavy organization states so they aren’t something you just jump into. That no one has mentioned that over at Capitol Fax comments points out the problem with taking the internet too seriously.

He’s doing the right thing though and building up a strong political organization early and making those contacts he’ll need for a later run. One thing to remember is that Edwards was shunned by many of his colleagues because he ran after one term–all of his relationship building would be for nothing. Depending on how 2008 goes that leaves 2012 or 2016 the later date only puts him at 55.

Governor is probably out. Think about the line for that in the Democratic bench with Hynes and Madigan leading it up. Sure, he might be able to win, but it would create more hard feelings than consolidating a base. And as Sweet points out, he’s built up a hell of a national political machine.

2008 will be crowded field with the following probably running
Mark Warner
Joe Biden
Evan Bayh
Chris Dodd
Hillary Clinton
John Edwards
Tom Vilsack
Bill Richardson
Wesley Clark
Tom Daschle
John Kerry

Maybe he takes VP in some circumstance, but running against seven of his colleagues with less than 4 years of experience as the campaign starts, makes it too difficult. Being VP would allow him to burnish his foreign policy credentials–something he’s doing a great job on already working closely with Dick Lugar on non-proliferation issues.

embittered, junkie, white college drop out angry at successful black man with a Harvard JD

Tell me what’s incorrect about the above?

CALLER: Oh, they’re putting him up because he’s well spoken, he’s well mannered, he gets in front of the camera, he has a presence, but he says nothing. He looks — he’s like a Bill Clinton, but just a different shade, that’s all. And you know, you were right about [Sen. Joe] Lieberman [D-CT]. In this Connecticut area, there’s a groundswell now with some local senators and representatives in his district saying, “Based on his stance on the war, let’s not re-elect Joe Lieberman.” So, if you’re a Democrat, you go against it, so now Lieberman is, by his own party in Connecticut — the groundswell is starting. But they’ll put him — Barack Obama — on a pedestal.

LIMBAUGH: Yeah, well, I don’t know. I kind of like that analogy that he is the Donavan McNabb of the U.S. Senate —

CALLER: Don’t say too much about him, Rush.

LIMBAUGH: — in the sense that he is being propped up. He’s being —

Oh yeah, Barack is happily married to his first wife and has children. He’s got family values too.

Last I checked Barack also isn’t out shooting watermelons in his backyard to demonstrate how the Cheney shooting was a conspiracy.

Hey Tim

How do any of these folks feel about the use of the word ragheads and it being used at a political event and garnering applause?

Speaker Dennis Hastert, Senator George Allen, U.N. Ambassador John Bolton, Senator Mitch McConnell, Texas Governor Rick Perry, Newt Gingrich, Ken Mehlman, Wayne LaPierre, Bob Novak, Grover Norquist, and Congressman Mike Pence or anyone from one of these organizations certainly should be asked about whether or not the support such language if Colin Powell and Barack Obama have to answer questions about Harry Belafonte not related to how many bananas the banana man has.