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Trib Polling Obama up 2-1 in Illinois

55-24 Obama-Clinton 

The survey, involving separate samples of 500 Republicans and Democrats who said they were likely to take part in the state’s accelerated primary on Tuesday, has an error margin of 4.4 percentage points. The Democratic poll began Tuesday and the Republican poll began Wednesday; both polls concluded Thursday.

McCain’s up as well.
Suffredin for Cook County State’s Attorney leading

Cook County Commissioner Larry Suffredin held a narrow edge, with support from 17 percent of voters, the poll showed. Chicago Alds. Tom Allen (38th) and Howard Brookins (21st) each had 11 percent, as did Anita Alvarez, the No. 3 official in Devine’s office. Devine’s top assistant, Robert Milan, had 3 percent and Tommy Brewer, a defense lawyer and former FBI agent, had 2 percent.

Zorn on Obama/Rezko

Eric points out that a big part of the problem of the Rezko-Obama story is self-inflicted.

Rezko’s looming trial date (it’s next month) was bound to exhume any part of the story that had died. The national media was inevitably going to want to take a crack at the tale that places Obama squarely in the skeezy milieu of Illinois politics.

And if he became a top contender, his rivals were bound to look for ways to play the Rezko card and throw him off for at least a few news cycles.

Spring of last year would have been the time for Obama and his advisers to write “The Audacity of Tony,” a meticulous, utterly honest, month-by-month, day-by-day account of all his dealings with Rezko since 1990.

Then to scrub all his political accounts of any donations somehow attributable to Rezko (instead of doing this by conspicuous degrees).

And, finally, to sit with interested reporters until he’d addressed every last question they might still have about the legal work he did for non-profits who worked with Rezko and the granular details of the real estate deal.

His failure to have done this for 15 months doesn’t speak to a guilty conscience so much as it speaks to dubious crisis-management skills.

The real questions left are less to do with the house and more to do with the relationship.  In fact, the house seems somewhat settled by most who have looked into it, but the extent of Rezko’s fundraising is stuck in the fog of campaign finance reports.     As it stands now, everytime anyone with a bit of connection to Rezko surfaces Obama has to account for that person and it’s a never ending cycle.

Those Great Folks at Illinois NOW

Grabenhofer shows up at…Taylor Marsh’s

I thought I’d take a moment to try to add some clarity to the anti-choice Present votes in IL.

Lorna Brett was president of CNOW from 1996-1998. She was not president at the time we were lobbying on these bills. Five of those votes occurred in the 92nd General Assembly session in 2001. NOW records indicate that she hasn’t been a member since 1999. She was not there when we were lobbying against these bills. She is using her very old affiliation with NOW to try to validate her criticism of Hillary Clinton.

Voting Present on those bills was a strategy that Illinois NOW did not support. We made it clear at the time that we disagreed with the strategy. We wanted legislators to take a stand against the awful anti-choice bills being put forth. Voting Present doesn’t provide a platform from which to show leadership and say with conviction that we support a woman’s right to choose and these bills are unacceptable.

The Present strategy was devised to give political cover to legislators in conservative districts. Barack Obama did not represent a conservative district; he could have voted No with very little negative consequence in his district.

– Bonnie Grabenhofer
IL NOW State President

So we have Bonnie Grabenhofer of Illinois NOW against

Illinois Planned Parenthood
NARAL
Chicago NOW
Personal PACPerhaps someone could ask why Illinois NOW endorsed Lisa Madigan when she had also voted present on some of the bills. To further make the point NARAL hasn’t endorsed and Chicago NOW has endorsed Clinton.
Illinois NOW backed  Blair Hull over Obama in 2004 even after the domestic violence accusation. Given it wasn’t clear that Hull had a pattern I’m not sure that was so ridiculous, but it’s hard to understand how forgiving Illinois NOW is to Lisa Madigan and Blair Hull, but not Obama.

Then again, the site where the letter is posted seems to think they have the Zapruder film of the snub.

NARAL Mailers Against Lipinski

This one is great:

This one too

Great mailings and apparently they have a good list in the 3rd with 16,000 people in their mailing universe for the race.

But let me point out, this isn’t just about abortion, but contraception. Lipinski has voted against emergency contraception which is the birth control pill in a higher dosage. It’s not about abortion, it’s about controlling women’s bodies.

Hillaryis44 Comedy

And this isn’t a scattershot at Clinton supporters in general or Hillary Clinton–many are fine people and I’ll be a big one is she is the nominee. Hillaryis44 seems to be not understanding how counterproductive their current strategy is:

Hillary Clinton Versus The Kooks

James Carville and Paul Begala are out at CNN. Carville and Begala are Hillary supporters. Hillary supporters on Big Media broadcasts will not be tolerated.

Carville and Begala have been targeted for a long time by the denizens of Kookville and other assorted Hillary Hating Naderites and PINOs. The Kooks whined that Carville and Begala did not disclose their love of Hillary and their support of Hillary. Fine. We love and are all for full disclosure. Point taken. CNN however has now gotten rid of the Hillary supporting duo. Disclosure is not the issue now, CNN has simply removed them.

A while back, the New York Times devoted its busy pages to push the unrelenting attack against those naughty boys – C & B. The New York Times even quoted the Head Kook:

“Would it kill CNN to disclose that James Carville is a partisan Clinton supporter when talking about the presidential race?” wrote Daily Kos. “Would it kill James Carville to disclose that he is a partisan Clinton supporter when on the air talking about the presidential race? Apparently so.”

Of course the Head Kook himself has been hired by Newsweek magazine to represent Democrats. Problem is, the Head Kook is not a Democrat. Newsweek hired a dyed in the wool Republican to represent Republican views on its pages – Karl Rove. Democrats get the Head Kook. The Head Kook loves attacking Democrats while pretending to support Democrats. But the Head Kook is a self-interested “libertarian” or somesuch. And — the Head Kook has endorsed Obama. Does the Head Kook disclose that? The Head Kook has trashed Hillary (recall the great “waitress tips” witch hunt) on his orange sulfur, waste enhancement plant, which we lovingly and accurately call DailyKooks.

Newsweek should follow the CNN model and remove the Head Kook as a Democratic spokesman.. Newsweek should get a real Democrat to represent real Democrats.

Criticizing Markos is fair game just as anyone is and Newsweek can decide how they choose to deal with such issues in the primary, but this is pretty lame.  In fact, really lame.

Rezko Primer II: Political Donations

Update 3/17/2008:  Updated with information from the Chicago Sun-Times and Chicago Tribune interviews with Obama on 3/14/2008

The best tally of political donations from Rezko, Rezko companies (Illinois allows corporate donations), and Rezko allies was done by the Sun-Times which tallied the donations and determined there were a total of $168,000 to Obama from Rezko and his associates. Scroll down to the pdf on the left side of the story to see the details.

As of January 20th, Obama had divsested himself of $84,350 of those donations with the latest divested including:

From that money, $10,000 was donated to Obama’s successful run for the Senate in the name of Glenview entrepreneur Joseph Aramanda, the story said.

==============

*$10,500 from Michel Malek, a neurologist and former investor in Rezko Enterprises.

*$2,000 from Fortunee Massuda, a founder of a chain of foot and ankle clinics and a former investor in Rezko Enterprises.

*$3,000 from Imad Almanaseer, a real estate and fast-food impresario and former member of LARC Realty, a Rezko business.

Obama hasn’t given all money related to Rezko back apparently arguing some of it was independent of Rezko–a statement that is probably true given some of the donors knew him independently of Rezko. However, it stands in contrast to Clinton’s decision to divest every dollar tied to Norman Hsu in December. Other’s who had donations returned include Rezko’s companies and direct contributions and donations from:

Michael Winter, who gave $3,000 to Obama’s Senate campaign in June 2003, and Myron Cherry, who gave $500 to Obama in July 2004, have been publicly identified as Individuals “G” and “H,” respectively, in one case against Rezko.

Sun Times June 25, 2007

Cherry is a Clinton supporter, but obviously not tied to her with a connection through Rezko. Cherry has also cooperated with the investigation and is one of the few people to publicly discuss his involvment.

Given there is only about $80,000 left with any tie to Rezko, it would probably be politically smart to donate that amount.

Trib Interview estimate from 1996 Campaign for State Senate:

When I decided to run for the state Senate, the way that I decided to run for the state Senate was I had been helping Alice Palmer, who was then running for Congress. She had asked me to help. She was giving up her seat, and I was, um, I got involved in her campaign, and some people asked me if I’d be interested potentially in taking her seat.

Tony Rezko, I think, had provided some assistance to her at that time, so I think that may be the first time where we started talking about politics. He agreed to support my Senate campaign. He was an active developer in, on the South Side, and he’d, so he had some relationships with some of the aldermen in the area that I did not have relationships with and he introduced me to them. It’s hard to imagine, given the kind of fundraising I’m doing now, but the total amount that I raised for that first race was $100,000.

And I think it’s fair to say, and this is an estimate, that Tony Rezko probably raised $10,000 to $15,000 of that. I don’t, I can’t say precisely because I no longer have those records.

But I think that’s probably a rough guesstimate. As a consequence of that support, we became friendlier, and I probably had, I would probably talk to him maybe five to six months a year. We might have breakfast or we might have lunch.

At that time I knew him as a businessman who also had an interest in politics, but did not know the details of his various business interactions.

Congressional Run:

When I ran for Congress, I asked him if he’d be interested in supporting me, as I asked a number of people all across the city who I thought might be interested in the race. It was a difficult decision for him because he had a relationship with Bobby Rush. But he nevertheless agreed to support me over Bobby Rush.

And I would say in my congressional race, I raised about $600,000 total. I can’t say exactly how much he raised but I’d say, you know, he was on my finance committee along with a number of other people. My guess is he might have raised $50,000 to $75,000. That would be my guess. And, obviously, I appreciated his support. I lost that race as all of you have recorded, uh, amply.

Sun-Times State Senate and Congressional Run:

Probably our relationship deepened when I started my first political campaign for the state Senate. He had been a supporter of Alice Palmer’s. I had been a supporter and was working to help Alice Palmer in her congressional run. And since she was giving up her seat, there was a question of who would be her successor, and some people talked to me about potentially running for that seat. And Tony was one of the people I talked to about that. And he then supported me in that first race.

It’s a sign of how much times have changed that I raised a grand total of $100,000 in that first race.

And this is an estimate. He probably raised about $10,000 of that $100,000.

So we became friendly at that point, and through most of my years in the Senate, he was somebody I considered a friend, and I’d probably see maybe when I wasn’t in the midst of a campaign, I would probably see maybe six times a year. We’d have lunch or we’d have breakfast. And, during that period of time, I had another re-election, and so he probably raised another $10,000 for me. I then ran for Congress, and he chose to support me in my race against Bobby Rush, although though he had a relationship with Bobby Rush, and that was loyalty that I appreciated.

We’d continue to have lunches or breakfasts. We’d talk about politics. We’d talk about family. In terms of other than lunch or breakfast he and I had, socially, Michelle and I probably had a couple of dinners, or two or three dinners with him and his wife during the course of this six or seven or eight years. Visited their home in Lake Geneva once for the day. And I have to say during that entire time, he never asked me for anything. He never did any favors for me other than obviously supporting my campaigns. He never gave me any gifts. Gave me no indication he was setting me up to ask for favors in the future. In fact, most of the work that he was doing at the time involved development here in the city of Chicago, as far as I knew, and so most of his interactions, in terms of politics, were more at the city level, municipal level and the county level. He was close to John Stroger and was strongly involved there.

US Senate Race Trib:

And right around, right after my congressional race, as some of you will recall, that’s when Tony Rezko started, that’s when Rod Blagojevich started running for governor. And Tony became a very important part of the governor’s core political team. So he was fairly busy with that, I was working in the [state] Senate, didn’t have as many interactions with him at the time.

And it wasn’t until, um, it wasn’t until I decided that I was running for the United States Senate that we started having a lot of conversations about politics again. I expressed my interests, described how I thought this race might go, and he ultimately ended up supporting me and was a part of our finance committee and was listed as part of our finance committee.

Again, at that time, there were no indications that he was involved in anything inappropriate. And I would say that, you know, our best assessment and the money that we’ve identified that he raised for us was about $160,000 during my U.S. Senate primary. And all that money has been returned, by the way.

Now, the only other things I’ll say about the relationship that I think are important, he never asked me to do anything when I was in the state Senate. At no time did he ever ask for any favors from the government. In fact, most of the time until he started becoming active with the Blagojevich campaign, he didn’t really have that many interests before state government. He was active, I think, at the local level as a developer, and so he constantly had things going before the City Council and probably the county, but there was really no occasion for me to help him in any significant way.

The one exception that I know of that he did have an interest in down in Springfield was on gaming. He was, he had an interest in, he was one of the minority investors in the Emerald Casino, and you’ll recall there was a big to-do about that.

[Tribune note: Rezko expressed interest in becoming an investor but ultimately did not, according to 2005 Illinois Gaming Board testimony by former Gaming Board administrator Sergio Acosta.]

And in that circumstance, actually I was firmly opposed to gaming and some of the proposals that were being made down in Springfield, and he never pressured me in any way to get involved in that process in any meaningful way.

And so my relationship to him was as somebody who had always been a supporter, who had always been aboveboard, who had always been gracious to me and my family, who had not offered me gifts or inducements that would lead me to be suspicious of him and who had supported me, even in times where it was not politically easy for him to do.

That’s the context in which my relationship and friendship with Tony evolved.

Sun-Times:

Fast-forward. After I get trounced in my congressional race, in that same race, or at that same time, Blagojevich is starting to run. Tony becomes very active in Blagojevich’s inner circle and campaigns, and frankly during that year and half or two years where he’s helping Blagojevich, I don’t have that much interaction with him. After Blagojevich is elected, Tony is part of the inner circle that’s helping him put the administration together, he does contact me about – well, the Blagojevich office, I don‚t think Tony necessarily contacts me – but the Blagojevich office contacts our office about recommendations for potential people just to fill state jobs generally. I didn’t have some big patronage organization or operation. I had one district director and a bunch of volunteers who all were employed elsewhere. So, I think we submitted just a list of people that were mostly, you know, some of them were people who‚d sent us resumes in the past or other people we thought we might be interested but they weren’t people who were connected to our political organization in any meaningful way. Or they weren’t people I knew particularly well. The one exception I do remember talking to Tony about was Dr. Eric Whitaker, who was a longtime friend of mine from Harvard. He and I played basketball together when he was getting his masters in public health at Harvard, while was at law school there. He had expressed an interest in that job. He did contact me, or Tony contacted me, and I gave him a glowing recommendation because I thought he was outstanding.

So fast-forward to the U.S. Senate race. Tony joined my finance committee. He wasn’t my largest fund-raiser but he was a significant fundraiser. He only held one event for us at his home in Wilmette. It was a successful event. We think he raised about $70,000 himself for the event, and that accounts for our initial representation that we had $60,000 or $70,000. Subsequently, though, we have now traced about $160,000 that was connected to him that he raised that we know of or we’re certain of or there’s some connection we can draw. All of that money has been given to charity, but he did host that fund-raiser. He was an active member of the finance committee. And we were successful in that race.

Rezko Primer I: Job Offer and Friendship Begins

UPDATED 3/16/2008:  Includes portions of the Chicago Tribune/Sun-Times interviews from 3/13/2008

The definitive take appears to be Obama’s answer in the Chicago Sun-Times on November 5, 2006:

Q: Senator, when did you first meet Tony Rezko? How did you become friends? How often would you meet with him, and when did you last speak with him?

A: I had attracted some media attention when I was elected the first black President of the Harvard Law Review. And while I was in law school, David Brint, who was a development partner with Tony Rezko contacted me and asked whether I would be interested in being a developer. Ultimately, after discussions in which I met Mr. Rezko, I said no.

I have probably had lunch with Rezko once or twice a year and our spouses may have gotten together on two to four occasions in the time that I have known him. I last spoke with Tony Rezko more than six months ago.

Obama then took a job with Davis, Miner, Barnhill & Galland, now just Miner, Barnhill, & Galland. The firm concentrates on employment discrimination, civil and voting rights, antitrust, consumer litigation, and housing development. The firm has been engaged in a many cases including representing African American voters interests in redistricting, it was an early prominent plaintiff firm for sexual harassment claims, and dealt with a lot of housing development for non-profit developers.

Expansion on the statement from the Tribune interview:

I first met Tony Rezko when I was still at law school, or at least I had just graduated from law school. He had two partners, a guy named Dan Mahru and David Brint. They had started a real estate company called Rezmar. They contacted me while I was the president of the Harvard Law Review and asked if I was coming back to Chicago and was thinking about future employment, would I be interested in potentially getting involved in development.

And so when I was back in Chicago, and I don’t recall whether it was during the summer between, you know, my second and third year [in law school], or whether it was after I had graduated, or whether it was just visiting Michelle, I met with them.

They were, didn’t talk to me about a specific job but explained what they were doing in terms of development. Because I had been a community organizer, I think that’s what part of what prompted their interest because they were doing a lot of affordable housing work and work with community development corporations.

I had a relatively brief conversation, maybe 45 minutes, and ultimately declined to go into development, but that was the first time I met Tony Rezko.

Fast-forward a little bit, I did not have a lot of interactions with Tony at that point. I was working as an associate at a law firm. There may have been interactions with my law firm and some of the development partners of Rezmar because they would often partner with not-for-profits and we had a small transactional practice in the law firm that specialized in representing not-for-profits—you know, church-based organizations that were doing community development.

I don’t recall exactly how many times at that point I had met Tony Rezko, but I don’t think at that point I would have considered him a friend. He was an acquaintance.

Sun-Times 

I first met Tony Rezko when I was either still in law school or had just graduated from law school. I don‚t recall whether his office contacted me right before I graduated or when I was still in law school and visiting Chicago. He and his two partners had just formed Rezmar. They had read about me as president of Harvard law review, had read that I was interested in community development work because of my background as a community organizer and contacted me saying would I be interested in talking about working in development. I was in Chicago for other reasons and met with them for about 45 minutes. Their partners Dan Mahru and at the time, a guy named David Brint. Had a nice conversation with them. They explained what they were doing. They were involved in a lot of affordable housing work around some of the areas where I‚ been an organizer and decided that I wasn’t interested in pursuing development. So the conversation really never went anywhere. But that’s the first time I met Tony.

Some Nightmares End

Alexi Giannoulis finally comes to terms on the damn Springfield hotel agreeing to a foreclosure agreement with Cellini and gang.  .

Dollarwise, strictly speaking, this wasn’t the biggest mess, but damn if coming to a conclusion didn’t take 25 years and who knows how many taxpayer dollars.
Alexi has taken some hits lately and largely they appear to not look good, but legal.  Whatever his prior experience was with the family bank, he’s getting things done for the State of Illinois and as someone who was a sharp critic during the campaign, this is another job well done.

He has a good future in Illinois politics and progressive Illinois activists should keep an eye out on how they should help him.