Not really.
But you ask, who the hell is Arnold Maremont?
Thanks for asking. Maremont was a Chicago industrialist who, according to Mike Royko, had the dream to be a U.S. Senator. The elder Daley had a view of the proper role of millionaires in the party according to Royko in Boss
Daley does not dislike millionaires. He lets them contribue to the party, sever on advisory boards, take on time-consuming appointments, and help elect Machine Democrats to office.
Maremeont had done it all. He contributed money, worked in Governor Kerner’s campaign, led a campaign to pass $150 million bond issue that revitalized the state’s mental health program, and pitched in on numerous liberal causes and mental health and welfare programs.
Royko describes how Maremont approached Daley about seeking the Democratic nomination,
…in early 1961 he went to Daley’s office and told him that he’d like to run against Sen. Everett Dirksen. He made it clear that he wanted to do it properly and not jump into the primary as a maverick. The Party’s blessing was what he was after.
Daley showed interest, but said he had certain reservations: mainly he wasn’t sure if downstate county chairman would support a Jew. He suggested that Maremont tour the state, talk to the county chairman, and indicated strongly that if Maremont made a good showing, he’d be Daley’s man.
Maremont pushed aside his business and civic work and spent most of the early summer barnstorming through Illinois. A spunky, brash man, he’d wlak into a bar in a tiny Sourthern Illinois town–grits and gravy countr–and announce: "My name’s Arnold Maremont. I want to run for the Senate and I’m a Jew." People seemed to like him, as he wolfed down chicken and peas dinners at the county meetings, charming little old ladies and picking up support from the chairmen.
All the while, he sent back regular reports to Daley: they will go for a Jew! Elated, he headed back to Chicago, ready to give Daley his final report and the good news. He got back in town just in time to pick up that day’s papers adn read that Daley had, indeed, decided to slate a Jewish Senatorial Candi DATE: Cong. Sidney Yates, a party regular.
That ended Maremont’s political ambitions. Furious, he was convinced that Daley had merely used him to conduct a free one-man survey of downstate Illinois. he wouldn’t have even tried had he ever heard Daley explain why he is so dedicated to a party man: "The party permits ordinary people to get ahead. Without the party, I couldn’t be mayor. The rich guys can get elected on their money, but somebody like me, an ordinary person, needs the party. Without the party, only the rich would be elected to office."
On the surface one can quibble about the comparison of Hull to Maremont, but it gets at the basic question of is (or was) Daley using Hull for his money while really pushing other candidates? Blair Hull is the multi-millionaire owner of Hull Trading Company, a very successful trading company in Chicago. A
campaign biography describes his past experiences as a union laborer and as a soldier. Beyond that he has been a strong supporter of the Democratic Party and various issues including the abortion rights. During the 2002 campaign, he provided significant support to Rod Blagojevich’s campaign including $75,000 of in-kind donations to fly Blagojevich around the state.
For the past few months, the background buzz is that Hull is Daley’s guy. With a wink and a nod people have insinuated that Hull had Daley in their corner. I’ve always been suspicious of this arrangment because Illinois politicians are never in someone’s corner if they do not say so, and even then, they are only in one’s corner half of the time. We can witness the knife still sticking out the back of Glenn Poshard and the ones on the ground that were aimed at Paul Vallas as he fled the state for better pastures. On the Republican side, moderates were more than happy to hang conservatives out to dry.
But more than that history, was the above story from Royko about the elder Daley’s view of money men in the Democratic Party. Maremont was convinced he was going to be Daley’s guy, all the while Daley was using him. But why did Daley need Hull? Money–and lots of it to ensure Daley had a friendly in the Governor’s office to ensure O’Hare was expanded and perhaps a land based casino was allowed in Chicago (or maybe not). The Democrats needed a sugar daddy to finance a strong Democratic showing in 2002 and Hull was willing to open the checkbook. He flew Blagojevich around the state during the campaign and contributed generously to candidates all the while Hull was at least allowing the rumor to continue that he was Daley’s guy in 2004.
And now is the time that Daley pulls the rug out from underneath him. While Daley is never known for being direct–well at least in anyway a mere mortal can understand (ed.—do you want me to take my pants down?) the message has become clear that Hull is not his guy according to people familiar with the campaign. Being Hizzoner isn’t what it used to be however, and Hull is in a fairly good position to still be competitive.
The bad news for Hull is that he did not seem to sense the game being played and that should probably be considered a bit naive, but understandable. From all accounts Hull is a honest guy who believes in his positions and if the worst thing to be said about him is that he is a bit naive about Illinois politics, that is hardly a disqualifying characteristic.
The not so good news is that John Simmons, a Metro-East Trial lawyer specializing in asbestos litigation is getting in the race and promising to spend $40 million to get elected, just as Hull has. Barack Obama’s campaign sent out a note this week quoting Rich Miller of the Capitol Fax, "’Barack Obama may benefit the most’" from a Simmons bid, which would split support among the candidates in populous Madison County -Simmons’ home." The full effect of Simmons entry and the fragmented field is hard to determine at this point, but the more that downstate labor and Democratic organization votes are split, the stronger Barack Obama is with a unified block of African-American votes.
The good news is that he has established the kind of operation that can probably exist beyond they Mayor pulling his support. Hull did something usually reserved for Presidential campaigns–he organized the cycle before and sent out at least 10 campaign workers to organize and help the Democratic operation around the state. Most frequently, such moves are made in Iowa and New Hampshire by potential Presidential candidates. While someone else may have done this previously, it hasn’t been done in Illinois at anywhere near the level he has. This provides him contacts and organizational capacity far exceeding other candidates who make their first run. And this is where he becomes very different from Arnold Maremont.
The better news is that he has millions to spend and isn’t shy about doing so. He is reported to be overpaying his staff, but that certainly has not hurt other millionaires such as Jon Corzine who was a bonanza for political professionals. Ultimately, money does not win an election as Al Hofeld found out, but it certainly can make a reasonable candidate competitive in a hurry.
So how competitive is Hull? It is hard to say this early. His name recognition is low since he has never run for office before and especially so since two of the most significant rivals, Dan Hynes and Maria Pappas, have high name recognition from running statewide twice in Hynes case and in Cook for Pappas. He certainly has the money to raise that name recognition in a hurry and seems to be on the verge of running the first round of commercials this summer.
Illinois is generally an organization state, meaning those with the strongest ties to party organizations tend to do best in elections. In this sense, Hull is behind Dan Hynes, the young Illinois Comptroller and son of Thomas Hynes, one of the most powerful Democrats in Cook County. Hynes is racking up support of County Chairmen around the state. The knock on Hynes is he has never faced a tough primary or general election fight and appears to be having difficulty raising money despite the machine support he is receiving. It appears that Hynes is running an inevitability campaign to push others out. While Hynes is in a strong position, the crowded field largely makes such a strategy ineffective. Hull should be considered an underdog, but not a prohibitive one given the early challenges Hynes is facing and the opportunities a crowded field hands to any candidate.