March 2003

If Horowitz didn’t exist

Saturday Night Live would have to invent him. He responds to Josh Marshall’s response to his ranting and calls out Marshall again.

I find it hard to determine if the whole act is just a way to get more donors as Josh Marshall has suggested previously, or if Horowitz is so incredibly dim-witted he can’t actually tell that his whole victimhood schtick is the ultimate in PC whining. Then again, either way it is pretty damn funny–well except some people actually believe him.

The Daley Times unsheathes the knives

The Sun-Times begins to take on some rather odd income for the Daley relatives. No one can exactly explain where much of it comes from and when they can, it is from sources that have ties to organized crime. Brown sums it up quite well.

Oh, and remember that with telecommunications reregulation, the head of SBC is Bill Daley. SBC is trying to sell it as dereg, but that is semantic vandalism. Deregulation was breaking up the monopoly of providing both service and lines into a monopoly over lines, but multiple service choices. SBC is trying to reregulate the system to effectively return their monopoly. Not only is it bad for consumers, it is bad for economic growth.

Many Thanks to

Atrios and Jeanne D’Arc for adding me to the blog rolls. I’m big fans of both sites. Eschaton is one of the larger referrers since linking to me.

And of course, many, many thanks to Daily Kos, MyDD, Tom Spencer, Max,Jim Capozzola, and Cursor for consistently providing a lot of refferals. All are on the blog roll and all are worth visiting. And special thanks to Liberal Oasis who links to both this site and Blog Saint Louis.

Thanks to everyone else, and I’ll try and highlight some of those lower traffic sites over the next couple weeks.

Daniel Drezner on Diplomacy

Daniel Drezner argues that the ultimate outcome of the diplomacy isn’t far off of what another strategy might have produced, namely, that UN approval wouldn’t have been given.

I guess I never held UN Approval as the only measure of success, but as a strategy to bring along allies with concerns. We didn’t necessarily have to get UN Approval, but seeking approval should have enabled us to bring along allies who had populations worried about the war.

Pissing on the leg of a great deal of our allies I figured could be avoided, and the administration has done a fine job of drinking extra water to ensure every chance to do so wasn’t wasted. Pissing off the French isn’t exactly the worst thing in the world and an effective strategy, as Drezner points out, would have done accomplished that far better than the current outcome. Instead, we made it harder for our traditional allies to side with us. Dan makes some of these points, but it seems to excuse much of the ineptitude and petty sniping that has characterized the diplomatic effort.

Instead of using this as an opportunity to build a working coalition and show up French intransigence, we made them look reasonable and didn’t build much of a functioning coalition. Such a move would have strengthened our hand for future crises instead of weakening it. While Iraq is important, our allies, alliances, and, yes, even the UN are essential for projecting our values and interests in the international order.

I don’t think Drezner and I are that far apart, except that I started with incredibly low expectations of this administration and even those couldn’t be met.

In the Bush Amen corner:

I think it was a mistake to go the Security Council route. But I think that France’s backstabbing surprised almost everyone, not just the Bush Administration. In retrospect, we probably should have recognized that self-aggrandizing yet self-defeating diplomacy is a French hallmark, and that we shouldn’t have believed French promises.

But you have to give Bush credit — though few will — in that he’s bent over backward to try to let the international system demonstrate relevance and competence. And by doing so he has made abundantly plain that the United Nations is a joke, and that France and Germany are not our friends, but (France, especially) our would-be rivals. And there’s value in that.

That said, I wouldn’t have gone to the Security Council at all. And you can bet that neither the United States, nor any other power, is likely to do so ever again.

Bush bent over backwards? No. Bending over backwards was actual active diplomacy that built upon relationships as Bush’s father did in 1991 and sending out your top people to talk and cajole and offer. Powell didn’t do that and Rumsfeld did a rather amazing job of taking delight in pissing off our allies. This was an exercise in tearing down relationships and it shows. The big deal isn’t the effect on Iraq, it is the effect on the future when we need strong allies.

Maybe there won’t be much permanent damage to our long term allies and alliances. I hope that is the case. But the way this is going the only thing that could go worse is if Tony Blair loses the Prime Minister’s position over this war. Imagine the signal that would send to future British politicians about strongly backing American allies.

Lotta Explanations

For the Lott Post below let me fix up some of the stats. Using the Wilson Method (I used both that and the traditional method below), if one takes the number of Defensive Gun Uses (DGUs)–13– and compares that to the number of reported incidents in which the gun is fired–1, the 95 percent confidence interval is 1.4 percent to 33.3 percent. This means, assuming that his survey was adequate in all other ways, in looking at the number of incidents of DGUs alone, the only reasonable conclusion one could draw is that the number of DGUs in which one fires a gun falls somewhere between those numbers.

If one takes the number of individuals who fire given any number of DGUs, the confidence interval would be between 2.6 percent and 51.3 percent (I believe this is what Tim Lambert reports). This is with 7 people reporting a DGU and one person reporting they fired a weapon.

Even if one took the results from his first survey (which he doesn’t have anymore), there would be a total of 38 DGUs, with 3 incidents of the guns being fired. His 95 percent confidience interval in that case is 2.7 percent and 20.8 percent.

In his first survey which was eaten by his dog or some other series of explanations one can examine at Tim Lambert’s page, he claims there were 25 DGUs and people have assumed there were 2 episodes of weapons being fired. In that case, the confidence interval was 2.2 percent and 25.0 percent.

This is all done without any weightings, Lott weights the responses which makes the confidence intervals even larger.

What is truly fascinating is that he claims this is an improvement on previous studies. But as I explained previously, he still has fewer DGUs even in the one-year period than did Kleck and Gertz (1995). They report 56 respondent DGUs in their one-year time frame, 68 household DGUs. Lott’s Survey Methodology is inadequate compared to their survey, Kleck and Gertz have a larger sample size, and more DGUs within the 1 year time frame. Of course, Lott seems unaware that they did a one year sample as well as a five year and he attempted to differentiate between his survey and theirs because they used a five year sample. He is either unaware of their 1 year sample (which would be strange because they report it in their paper) or he hopes others are ignorant of it.